A Potent Opioid Is Being Sold at Gas Stations. What Can Ulster County Do?

Photo credit: The Lakeville Journal

By Rebecca Martin and Kathleen (kt) Tobin

According to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA), 1 “Kratom is a tropical tree that is native to Southeast Asia. Products prepared from kratom leaves are available in the U.S. online and in brick-and-mortar stores. Kratom is often used to self-treat conditions such as pain, coughing, diarrhea, anxiety and depression, opioid use disorder, and opioid withdrawal.” The Centers for Disease Control and Disease Prevention (CDC) recently reported that 5 million Americans have used kratom and that, in the past five years, there has been, “an increase of approximately 1,200% in kratom-related exposure reports, including a marked surge in 2025.” 2

It is scientifically and medically accurate to say that kratom has opioid activity because its active compounds bind to the same brain receptors targeted by traditional opioid drugs. Despite that, kratom products are being sold openly in gas stations, convenience stores, smoke shops, and online marketplaces. Kratom is sold as tablets, gummies, drink mixes, drinks, and powders.

The FDA describes kratom products as potent opioid products that have not been proven safe or effective for any use. But to date, the concern from federal regulators has been particularly focused on kratom that is concentrated and has synthetic 7-hydroxymitragynine, or 7-OH, additives. Federal actions have been aimed at elevated concentrations of 7-OH and synthetic derivatives, not ordinary botanical kratom containing naturally occurring 7-OH that is below the federal threshold.

That distinction does not mean that natural kratom is harmless or without risks; it means that these are different products that may need to be considered separately. Even without added 7-OH, natural kratom can lead people with addictive tendencies to kratom addiction, illegal opioid use, or jumpstart a recovering addict’s opioid relapse because kratom contains active chemical compounds that interact with the exact same brain pathways as prescription opioids and heroin. 3 Pharmacologically, natural kratom functions as a partial opioid agonist, despite being marketed as a “natural” or “safe” herbal supplement. 4

This raises the question of whether the current regulatory framework is keeping pace with these products. Products with opioid-active compounds can be widely available in ordinary retail settings while failing under a different regulatory framework than conventional opioid drugs. For consumers and local governments, that can look like a regulatory gap: the federal government is now moving to address the most concentrated and synthetic forms, while other kratom products remain readily available. The question is whether the current framework is adequate for products whose potency and effects can vary, and whether manufacturers should have to demonstrate safety before these products reach consumers. 

The stakes are high.  The growing availability of products with potent opioid effects in ordinary retail settings—including gas stations, smoke shops, and convenience stores—is particularly concerning, putting these products within easy reach of young people and people struggling with addiction. 

The Federal Government Is Moving

On July 1, 2026, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) announced that it was beginning the process of temporarily placing 7-OH above a specified threshold and three synthetic 7-OH-related substances into Schedule I under the federal Controlled Substances Act. In August, the DEA issued a temporary scheduling order for the three synthetic derivatives. The separate process for 7-OH above the proposed threshold has involved additional federal review and public comment over what concentration should trigger scheduling. 5

The federal landscape is therefore moving, but it is not completely settled.

That uncertainty is one reason why some local governments are having difficulty deciding exactly what they can and should regulate, how a local law would interact with federal scheduling, and who would enforce it. 

New York State Has Already Acted

New York has already taken some steps to address kratom. In December 2025, Governor Kathy Hochul signed legislation prohibiting the sale of Kratom products to anyone under 21 and requiring every kratom product manufactured, distributed or sold in New York to carry a consumer warning label and a full list of ingredients. The warning must state that the product may be addictive and may interact with certain medications, drugs, and controlled substances. 6

The State Legislature has now gone further. Assembly Bill A.9156B, 7 sponsored by Assemblymember Phil Steck, and its Senate counterpart, S.8925A, 8 sponsored by Senator Christopher Ryan, would prohibit the sale of products containing 7-OH above specified thresholds: more than 2 percent of total alkaloids or more than one milligram per serving. The legislation also establishes civil penalties for businesses that knowingly sell, offer for sale or deliver prohibited 7-OH products.

That gives New York counties something concrete to prepare for and act on right now: the Governor is expected to sign these bills that have already passed both houses before the end of the year.

This past June, both Sarahana Shrestha and Michelle Hinchey, Ulster County’s state legislators, voted in support of the legislation that is awaiting Governor Hochul’s signature. 

The Precautionary Principle and the Federal Role

The precautionary principle is a decision-making framework that involves risk assessment to determine whether or not “an activity raises threats of harm to human health or the environment, (and that) precautionary measures should be taken even if some cause-and-effect relationships are not fully established scientifically.” 9

Kratom regulation is an example of why adopting the precautionary principle is critical. When products can pose serious health risks, the burden should not fall on the public to prove they are dangerous after they are already on the market and readily available. Companies that manufacture and market kratom products should have had to demonstrate their safety before those products reach consumers—not after harm has occurred. 

There are no FDA-approved over-the-counter drugs or dietary supplements containing kratom that are legally marketed in the U.S. In fact, the FDA warns consumers not to use kratom because of “the risk of serious adverse events, including liver toxicity, seizures, and substance use disorder (SUD).” 10  Yet kratom products are still widely sold by companies that market them outside the FDA-approved drug or dietary supplement framework. In other words, the absence of FDA approval does not prevent these products from reaching consumers. 

That is an important question for our local members of Congress, Pat Ryan and Josh Riley, to raise at the federal level. The precautionary principle should also be part of any local memorializing resolution adopted by a county or municipality addressing kratom: companies should bear the burden of demonstrating safety before these products reach consumers, rather than leaving consumers, families, communities and taxpayers to bear the consequences after the fact.

What Other Counties Are Doing

In the Mid-Hudson region, there has been a mix of responses to kratom regulation. 

Dutchess County has acted, but not without a difference of opinion over how far to go. On August 10, 2026, the Dutchess County Legislature adopted a local law prohibiting the sale and distribution of concentrated and synthetic 7-OH products while allowing adults to continue to purchase natural leaf kratom. 

County Executive Sue Serino initially proposed a much broader approach – a ban on the sale of all kratom products. 11 The County Legislature ultimately adopted a narrower law, Local Law No. 6 of 2026: Prohibiting the Sale and Distribution of Concentrated and Synthetic 7-Hydroxymitragynine (7-OH) Kratom Products in Dutchess County. 12

The difference between the County Executive’s original proposal and the Legislature’s final law shows that a county does not necessarily have to resolve every question about kratom before taking action on the products at the center of the current federal concern. The scope of a proposed law can be debated, narrowed, and worked through the legislative process.

Dutchess County held its required public hearing, heard from constituents and advocates, consulted with its Department of Health and ultimately adopted the narrower legislation. Serino acknowledged that the legislation did not go as far as the complete ban she had proposed, while indicating that she would continue to explore additional action.

Sullivan County is developing its own policy. County documents show that Sullivan County has drafted a county mandate proposal addressing kratom policy as part of its broader work on substance-use treatment and prevention. It has not enacted a county kratom ban. 13

Orange County provides another example of the different routes to regulation local counties are taking with kratom. In 2025, Orange County moved to prohibit the sale of kratom to people under 21 before New York enacted its statewide age restriction. But shortly after the county acted, the state law took effect. County officials subsequently explained that the local law did not proceed through the remaining process because the state legislation had superseded the need for it. By spring 2026, the County Department of Health was waiting for state guidance on its role in enforcing the new state requirements and was developing public information about kratom and the distinction between natural and synthetic products. 14

Outside of our region, there are several examples of New York State counties banning all forms of kratom. Albany, Nassau, Oneida, Rensselaer, and Washington counties have all bypassed the state-level regulations to enact complete, local retail bans on all forms of kratom. Saratoga County will have its final public hearing in October and is currently moving through the legislative process to finalize its own total ban. 15 16 17 18 19 20

Despite these examples, in our region, counties are struggling to move this issue forward. We understand that state and federal law are changing quickly and that local laws can be overtaken by state legislation. Questions about preemption, enforcement authority and the appropriate regulatory threshold remain. And county health departments may not have authority or capacity to enforce a law regulating a substance that falls outside their existing jurisdiction. But counties that have enacted full bans are working through those same challenges, and their experiences can help inform a path forward for Ulster County. Given the life-and-death nature and speed with which this kratom crisis is escalating, challenges are a reason to work through the details, not a reason to stop looking for solutions. If other counties are finding ways to move forward, Ulster County should learn from what they are doing. 

There are also certainly short, mid, and long-term actions that can be taken to move toward the goal of restricting access to kratom, even as the state and federal landscape continues to evolve. Those next steps need to be identified, understood, and made clear to the public. The community has the most at stake here, and people need to know what is being considered, what can be done now, what will take more time, and where their voices and actions can make a difference.

A Regional Problem Needs Regional Solutions

This is bigger than a question of where these products can be sold. If people are becoming dependent on them, then access to treatment has to be part of the conversation too.

Ulster County is part of a regional system. The response should consider not only what happens at the point of sale, but also what happens when someone develops a substance-use problem and needs help.

People who develop dependence on kratom or concentrated 7-OH products may need substance-use treatment, including detoxification and recovery services. Treatment providers in the region are increasingly encountering kratom-related dependence, while access to detox beds remains a challenge. Ulster County has not had any certified inpatient hospital detox beds since 2021 when the last remaining beds in Ulster were moved to Dutchess County. 21  Community members who need detox or recovery services may have to leave their own county to get them, including seeking treatment in Dutchess County.

At the same time, critics of county-by-county restrictions have raised concerns about spillover effects – that is, that people could simply cross county lines to obtain products that are restricted in their home county. Whether that is happening in practice is a question worth examining, but the underlying policy gap is that a product that cannot be sold in one county may remain readily available a short drive away.

That means the availability of these products, access to treatment, and policies in neighboring counties are all part of the same regional picture. The costs should not fall entirely on families, communities, treatment systems, and taxpayers. The companies making, marketing, and profiting from these products should bear responsibility for the costs associated with the harm they create.

We urge our Mid-Hudson county leaders to bring the issue to the New York State Association of Counties (NYSAC) 22 to propose and create a coordinated regional and statewide approach. If the goal is to restrict access to kratom, counties can begin talking now about how to address gaps between neighboring counties, enforcement challenges, treatment capacity, and what can be done if state or federal action stalls or does not address the issue fully.

Where Ulster County Stands

Ulster County was poised to bring Proposed Local Law No. 16 of 2026 23  to a public hearing. The proposed law would prohibit the sale and distribution of concentrated and synthetic 7-OH kratom products in the County. Instead, on September 3, the Health, Human Services and Human Rights Committee voted 5–2 to postpone Resolution No. 480, which would have set the public hearing. The legislation remains before the County, but the public hearing, and the opportunity for community members to weigh in, has been put on hold.

Legislator Bill Murray, the sponsor of Proposed Local Law No. 16, 24 has been clear about the need for action. In a recent press release, 25 he called for Ulster County to “immediately ban the sale and distribution of high concentrations and synthetic kratom” while state and federal action moves forward, citing concerns about its addictive nature, misleading marketing and misinformation. By putting the legislation forward and publicly calling for action, Murray has helped bring this issue to the County’s attention. The next step is to bring that legislation to the public and do the work needed to make it effective. 

The County Executive’s Office raised concerns about the rapidly changing state and federal legal landscape. The County Department of Health also explained that it does not currently have enforcement authority over drugs and would not have the capacity to police possession or online sales. 

But postponing the public hearing does not resolve those questions. It delays the opportunity to hear from the public and work through them in an open process. Legislator Craig Lopez and others were correct that a public hearing is tied to a specific proposed local law. But that does not mean the County has to wait until every detail is settled before engaging the public. The proposed law can be developed, revised and improved through the legislative process, with additional public hearings as it evolves. 

For an issue this new to Ulster County, several rounds of discussion and public input are reasonable. The cost is time and work, but that work has value. A public process can educate the community, build understanding and buy-in, surface practical solutions, and identify what the County needs to make the law work. It may even lead the public and their legislative stewards to determine that additional resources or funding are needed for enforcement, education or other aspects of implementation. That is exactly what a public process is supposed to do: bring the community and its elected representatives together to work through new and complicated issues and develop the strongest response possible. 

We support a full kratom ban, as has already been enacted in Albany, Nassau, Oneida, Rensselaer, and Washington counties. Those counties have paved the way and provide a road map for Ulster to learn from and follow. 

Additionally, Ulster County, at this moment in time, does not have to choose between working on its local law and taking action now. There are both short-term and longer-term actions the County can take while the state and federal landscape continues to evolve.

In the short-term, the County Legislature can adopt a memorializing resolution urging Governor Hochul to sign S.8925A/A.9156B, the 7-OH legislation that has passed both houses of the State Legislature. The resolution could also call on our house representatives to raise two important issues at the federal level: the precautionary principle and producer responsibility. Companies making, marketing and profiting from products with potent opioid effects should bear responsibility for the harms and costs associated with those products, rather than leaving them to consumers, families, communities, treatment systems and taxpayers. 

Longer-term, Ulster County can continue developing its own local response. Proposed Local Law No. 16 raises important questions about who has enforcement authority, how online sales would be addressed, and how a county law would interact with state and federal requirements. Any questions can and should be worked through publicly as the legislation evolves. The half a dozen counties that have enacted full bans should be used as models for working towards taking the same actions in Ulster County. 


Take Action

  • Ask that the Ulster County Legislature immediately pass a memorializing resolution urging Governor Hochul to sign S.8925A/A.9156B and to include language about the precautionary principle, producer responsibility, and the need for adequate treatment capacity in the County’s response.
  • Urge the Ulster County Legislature to bring Local Law No. 16 of 2026 back for a public hearing and continue improving it through the public process, which may include additional public hearings.
  • Support your Ulster County legislators to move forward with a collaborative public awareness campaign involving the County Legislature, County Executive, Department of Health and Sheriff’s Office addressing kratom, and all other addictive substances as a public health and public safety issue.
  • Urge Mid-Hudson county leaders to bring kratom to New York State Association of Counties (NYSAC) and work toward a coordinated regional and statewide approach, including addressing gaps between neighboring counties, enforcement challenges, treatment capacity and what to do if state or federal action falls short.
  • Show up, speak out and stay engaged as the County works through its next steps.

Footnotes

  1. FDA and Kratom
  2. Increases in Kratom-Related Reports to Poison Centers — National Poison Data System, United States, 2015–2025 
  3. In full disclosure, in March 2022, after several months off of opioids, co-author Tobin’s son Padraig Flusser died of “acute intoxication due to the combined effects of Fentanyl, Flourofentanyl, Alprazolam, Clonzipan, and Mitragynine.” Mitragynine is the primary active chemical compound (alkaloid) found in kratom. 7-OH kratom did not come on the market until 2023. Natural kratom leaf is rarely a singular cause of death, but rather a compounding factor that worsens respiratory failure when combined with other drugs. Kratom usage interacts with the same brain pathways as other opioids and heroin and can lead to relapse. The level of Mitragynine (260ng/ml)  in Padraig’s autopsy toxicology report indicates heavy or frequent kratom use.
  4. Bin Abdullah MFIL. Kratom Dependence and Treatment Options: A Comprehensive Review of Literature. Curr Drug Targets. 2020;21(15):1566-1579. doi: 10.2174/1389450121666200719011653. PMID: 32682371.
  5. DEA to Temporarily Schedule 7-OH and Related Substances to Protect Public Safety
  6. Governor Hochul Signs Two Pieces of Landmark Legislation to Protect New Yorkers Against the Harmful Effects of Commercial Herbal Product Known as Kratom
  7. Prohibits the sale of products that contain 7-hydroxymitragynine at a level that exceeds 2% of total alkaloids or one milligram per serving; establishes fines for the sale of such products
  8. Senate Bill S8925A: Prohibits the sale of 7-hydroxymitragynine products
  9. Hayes AW. The precautionary principle. Arh Hig Rada Toksikol. 2005 Jun;56(2):161-6. PMID: 15968832.
  10. FDA and Kratom
  11.  County Executive Sue Serino Letter to Legislature
  12. Local Law No. 6 of 2026: Prohibiting the Sale and Distribution of Concentrated and Synthetic 7-Hydroxymitragynine (7-OH) Kratom Products in Dutchess County
  13. Sullivan County Drug Task Force Update
  14. Orange County Introductory Local Law No.8 of 2025 
  15. Rensselaer County Legislature votes to ban sale of kratom
  16. Nassau Legislative Democrats Announce Kratom Ban Legislation as Health Concerns Mount
  17. Spectrum News: Albany County’s kratom ban goes into effect
  18. Picente Signs Local Law Prohibiting Sale of Kratom
  19. Another Capital Region community bans kratom; doctor calls for statewide ban
  20. Saratoga County the latest in New York to weigh a ban on kratom
  21. First mental health urgent care opens in Ulster County
  22. New York State County Executives’ Association
  23. September 3, 2026 Health, Human Services and Human Rights Committee (starts at 25:52)
  24. Proposed Local Law Number 16 Of 2026
  25. Ulster County Officials Warn About the Dangers of Kratom Use, Including Concentrates and Synthetic Variants, And Take Action To Ban The Sale In Ulster County

Kingston Temporary Burn Ban: A Review of the Public Process

By Lorraine Farina, Hudson Valley Air Quality Coalition (HVAQ) and Rebecca Martin, KingstonCitizens.org

This is part of KingstonCitizens.org’s ongoing series examining the City of Kingston’s
Burn Ban legislative process

 



On September 1, the Common Council voted 7–0 to enact a temporary burn ban during periods of high fire danger designated by the New York State Department of Environmental Conservation (NYSDEC). Hudson Valley Air Quality Coalition  (HVAQ) has advocated for such a ban since March, 2025. When fire danger is high, eliminating all potential sources of ignition can reduce fire risk.

HVAQ brought Kingston a specific model: in October 2024, the Town of Marbletown issued an executive order declaring a state of emergency and prohibiting all outdoor burning, without exemptions, for the duration of the temporary order. 

READ: Ulster county towns declare burn bans after lack of rain in the Daily Freeman (10/24/24)

HVAQ asked Kingston to codify a similar ban for the City. But the legislation that ultimately moved forward was not the proposal HVAQ submitted.

Section 135-10 Temporary Burn Ban During High Fire Danger Periods

We appreciate the Council members who supported the original measure without exemptions, and especially the many community members who have been dedicated to this effort for years, showed up, spoke at the August 26 public hearing, and submitted thoughtful written comments.

The public should understand how the legislation changed, where the process fell short, and how that process should be handled differently in the future. 

Transparency and Accountability Are Fundamental to Good Government

The people we elect to office are stewards of the public trust, entrusted with representing the people who elect them.  Their priorities and responsibilities should be guided by the needs, concerns, and input of the community.  Engaging in local government is critical. Community members should have the information and materials they need to understand what is being proposed, know when and how they can participate, and have a reasonable opportunity to be heard without feeling intimidated, uninformed, or shut out.

During this effort we encountered several problems that made it unnecessarily difficult for community members to follow the legislation and participate in the process.

  • Agendas are often posted late and can be difficult to find, requiring community members to search through a long, disorganized list of meetings to determine when an issue will be discussed.
  • The August 26 hearing was advertised as being livestreamed and recorded, but neither happened. Fortunately, an attendee made an independent audio recording. Although the recording is imperfect and the accompanying transcript does not accurately reflect the testimony or reliably identify speakers, it provides a record of the hearing that would not have otherwise existed.
  • Written public comments were also not consistently included or organized in materials provided to the Council or the public. Some were missing from the August 26 hearing materials, others from the subsequent committee discussion, and none were included in the September 1 Common Council meeting packet.

These details matter because a transparent public process is essential to how legislation is considered and adopted. New York State guidance calls for following established legislative procedures—as a local law has the same status as an act of the State Legislature and its legal procedures should be closely observed. Meaningful public participation also requires timely access to the information and materials needed to understand what is proposed, when it will be discussed, and how it changes. Without that access, community members cannot reasonably follow the legislation or respond to substantive changes—particularly when those changes are introduced on the floor after months of public testimony, discussion and work on the legislation.

The Council Was Prepared to Act Outside the Public Process.

This is where our concern becomes more serious.

At the August 26 public hearing, approximately a dozen community members spoke in support of HVAQ’s original proposal: a temporary ban on all outdoor burning during periods of high fire danger. Not one person spoke against it. Written comments also supported the broader ban.

Yet immediately following the hearing, the Council Public Safety committee narrowed the proposal further by adding an exemption for charcoal grills.  The Committee voted 5–0 to move that version forward.

Who asked for this exemption? Based on the materials available to the public, we cannot find anyone who raised these concerns at the hearing or in written comments (see below).  The public had spoken overwhelmingly in support of the broader ban, yet the bill was made narrower anyway.

At the August 31 monthly Council caucus—the gathering before the full Common Council meeting where legislation is discussed and members determine how they intend to vote—the Council voted 9–0 to advance the bill with the exemptions included. The result was a less protective bill than the one community members had spent months working to develop and support.

The following evening, immediately before the September 1 full Common Council meeting, we learned that three alderpeople—Ward 9 Alderwoman and Majority Leader Michele Hirsch; Ward 2 Alderman Michael Tierney and Ward 3 Alderwoman, and co-sponsor of the legislation, Marissa Marvelli—had approached the Council President about making substantive amendments to the legislation on the floor. These changes were being proposed without giving community members—including those who had just spoken in support of the bill—an opportunity to review them, ask questions, or respond before the vote.

Had the Council proceeded with the substantive amendments it had prepared to introduce on the floor that evening, without returning them to the public process, the action would have been procedurally improper and subject to legal challenge. The burden would then have fallen on members of the public to take the extraordinary step of bringing an Article 78 proceeding to challenge the Council’s action. KingstonCitizens.org has seen amendments made on the floor happen before over the decades. In our experience, these procedural problems can persist when a Council body does not recognize the flaw in the process—or does not expect community members to take the matter as far as challenging the Council in court.

Going forward, the Council should not attempt to introduce substantive amendments at the final stage of legislation without returning those amendments to the public process. If the Council wants to amend legislation, it should direct its attorney to revise the language, keep the public hearing open, and take up the revised legislation at a subsequent meeting. That gives the public an opportunity to review the proposed language, understand what had changed, and respond before the Council votes. The public should not have to challenge a law in court after the fact to obtain the process it should have received before the vote. 1 2 3

Furthermore, the public deserves to know what prompted the proposed changes that evening and who requested them. What information led the three alderpeople to seek further amendments that had not been brought into the public discussion? And what led them to move forward with changes after a year and a half of testimony and public input addressing the science, public safety, and public health concerns at stake?

In the end, the floor amendments were abandoned. But this episode makes clear why we think it is time for Kingston Council members to receive annual training in local legislative procedures and public process. That is in the public interest and can help prevent political maneuvering from taking precedence over a transparent, orderly legislative process and meaningful public participation.

The public did its part

Community members participated in the local legislative process—the very civic engagement we are encouraged to engage in and that makes representative government work. When people take the time to participate, the public deserves to see how input was considered and why legislation is changed.  That is part of the public trust.

At a time when public confidence in government is under strain, we need elected officials to take seriously their role as stewards of systems that serve the public and who are accountable for making those systems clear and accessible. 

HVAQ is calling for meaningful improvements to the City’s legislative process, including a clear, visible roadmap for the public to follow when proposing legislation, tracking its progress, and understanding how and why changes are made, every step of the way.

We Will Keep Working to Strengthen the Law

Kingston has taken an important step toward protecting our city from a potentially catastrophic wildfire. We recognize the Council members who supported it, but especially the community members who have been dedicated to this effort for years and who have done the hard work of showing up, speaking out, submitting comments, and pushing for stronger protections.

We will continue to work to strengthen this law—and to make sure the public process that shapes it is worthy of the people who take the time to participate.

 

  1. Adopting Local Laws in New York State (DOS)
  2. NY CLS Mun H R _ 20
  3. NYSAC Training for County Officials: adopting-local-laws 

PUBLIC RECORD: Public comments and hearing testimony

Written Comments

  • Written Comments (Part 1)
  • Written Comments (Part 2)
  • Written Comments (omitted from the comment package)
    • Linda McLuckie, Ward 3:  I support a temporary burn ban on ALL outdoor burning in Kingston during times of HIGH fire danger as designated by the DEC. It’s imperative with how close houses are in Kingston. We could lose entire communities.  This is really a no brainer and must be supported. I’m shocked this is not already in place.

August 26, 2026 Public Hearing

Amy Loewenhaar-Blauweiss, Ward 5
Shared personal testimony about a home fire in which mutual aid departments were unable to arrive in time. She advocated for no exclusions to the bill, a temporary ban on all outdoor burning whenever DEC designates Kingston as being in high fire danger, and the development of an emergency evacuation plan. She emphasized that only a complete ban on outdoor burning during these periods would adequately protect people, property, and the city.

Dr. Paula Kagen, Ward 3
Shared intimate testimony about experiencing the 1994 Chicago fire and supported a temporary ban on all outdoor burning during periods of high fire danger.

Lorraine Farina, Ward 9 and Director of Hudson Valley Air Quality Coalition
Said that concerns about the Fire Department’s (FD) ability to enforce a temporary burn ban overlook the far greater challenge of responding to a wildfire in a densely developed urban area. Pointed to surrounding Ulster County communities that enforced their own bans in 2024 and argued that relying on traditional assumptions about rapid fire response does not account for current wildfire conditions. Since HVAQ first raised this concern and began advocating for this proposed temporary burn ban, community after community in the US either threatened by or destroyed by fires that are now characterized as “wildland urban fires” (WUI): settled towns whose homes and structures are at risk due to the same worsening climate factors and parameters that the  DEC uses to calculate its fire risk data here in Kingston and  inform its daily fire danger map.The latest research into WUI fires shows that urban FDs are equipped to fight discrete, individual fire events, not large, rapidly-spreading fires that are fueled by actual structures and homes. Warned that a wind-driven wildfire could quickly overwhelm the department, as demonstrated by recent fires in California.

Robert Fanshel, Ward 9
Called for a total, temporary ban on all outdoor burning whenever DEC designates Kingston as being in high fire danger, with no exclusions. Pointed to the recent devastating fires in Spokane, Reno, Nevada and Utah:  all affected settled towns and structures, and overwhelmed municipal fire departments. Emphasized that any combustion creates risk and that a single spark could lead to disaster.

Lynn Johnson, Ward 5
Supported a temporary burn ban on all outdoor burning, with no exemptions: “The best fire is the one that doesn’t happen.”

Judy Lewis Mernit, Ward 9
Shared personal testimony about experiencing wildfires in California and emphasized how quickly a fire can spread from a single spark, including from a charcoal grill. During periods of high fire danger and strong winds, even well-equipped fire departments may have limited ability to stop a fire from spreading. Warned that hotter temperatures and stronger winds are increasing the risk and argued that preventing fires before they start is a simple, reasonable step.

Billy Mernit, Ward 9
Acknowledged the resistance to a temporary ban but argued that asking people to refrain from outdoor burning for a very limited number of high-fire-danger days is a small sacrifice. Pointed to the recent experience of poor air quality from wildfires in Canada as an example of how fires far beyond our own backyards can affect the entire community. Said that having a law on the books gives people a stronger basis for asking neighbors to refrain from burning during dangerous conditions and makes them more likely to listen.

Tanya Garment, Ward 9
Stated that a complete burn ban is simpler and easier for people to understand and that exemptions create confusion. Emphasized that Kingston is densely populated, with homes and properties in close proximity. Raised concerns about Hutton Brickyards’ political influence and cited past experiences involving the Empire State Trail, building codes, and permits. Also expressed concern about open fires and flames at a property used by visitors who may not be connected to the local community. Called for a clear, simple, and strong law.

Christopher Drobny, Ward 3
Supported a temporary ban on all outdoor burning whenever the NYSDEC designates Kingston as being in high fire danger. He argued that the ban should have no exclusions and that a complete prohibition on outdoor burning during those periods is necessary to protect people, property, and the city.

Charlotte Adamis, Ward 3
Attended the public hearing with an open mind and, after hearing the testimony, concluded that a burn ban without exemptions was clearly called for.

Leah Wesselman, Ward 9
Supported the temporary burn ban ordinance without exemptions. Raised concerns about Kingston’s approximately 150 short-term rentals, noting that many landlords do not live locally and that visitors may be unfamiliar with the city’s laws, rules, and ordinances. Described seeing outdoor fires with large embers flying into the air, which was alarming. Asked how information about the temporary ban will be communicated when it takes effect, particularly to short-term rental owners and visitors.